AUT: Re: DeriveApprodi, #18: Immaterial Workers of the World

["michael zeitlin" <myk@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>]

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Attached are rough translations of the 3rd and 4th sections of the original
IWW document Che te lo dico a fare, along with Negri's response. I sent out
the 1st and second sections on July 21st but I can send copies to anyone who
deleted them because the message was entitled Re: negri..... There is also
an introduction to the IWW document, which basicly says this is a practical
rather than theoretical work, and the final section of the journal La Nostra
Tradizione contains previous theoretical works on which it is based.

The translation is crap but hopefully it gives some idea of the content and
will inspire someone else who can do it better. I'm slowly working on the
Piperno response and if anyone has reason to believe that any of the other
parts might be particularly worthwhile, let me know.

Myk

----- Original Message -----
From: Harry M. Cleaver <hmcleave@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
To: <aut-op-sy@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
Sent: Thursday, August 26, 1999 8:44 PM
Subject: AUT: DeriveApprodi, #18: Immaterial Workers of the World


>
>
> Contents:
>
> A.Bonomi e M.Revelli, Le Lettere
>
> S.Gervasi, Preveggenze
> L.Blissett, Il cappio delle alleanze
> Bifo, "introduzione umanitaria alla guerra civile planetaria
> G.P.Renello, Threnos
> P.Tripodi, Segni de una guerra insensata
>
> IMMATERIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD
>
> Titoli di testa
> Che te lo dico a fare
> C.Sociale Leoncavallo, Laboratorio Nord-Ovest
> T.Negri, Biopolitica e contropotere
> P.Tripodi, Te lo dico e fare: appunti sul methode
> P.Sullo, Dimenticare il soggetto
> C.redaz.Banlieues, La ricchezza sommersa
> F.Piperno, Contro il lavoro inutile per un ozio socialmente utile
> C.Roncare, Vita e/o lavoro
> M.Bascetta, Ne privata ne statale: reflessioni sulla scuola
> S.Lotti, Linguaggiare e organizzare
> S.Mezzadra, Postfordismo clandestino
> A.Fumagalli, Cominciamo a dire organizzazione
> M.Lazzarato, Politica della moltitudine
> A.De Giorgei, D. Loschiavo, Autoconscienza del 'general intellect'
> A.Colombo, Partitisi e antipolitici
> B.Vecchi, Il sapere come publica risorsa
> P.Punx, Non facciamola troppo facile
> G.Bronzini, Per una critica del federalismo
> L.F.Bravo,Federalismo come grammatica della politica prossima ventura
> A.Illuminati, La comune postfordista
> A.Bonomi, La farfalla del postfordismo
> H.Hardt, Reddito di cittadinanza e cittadinaza globale
> L.Caminiti, A.Mantegna,A.Tiddi,Reddito garantito e lavoro immateriale
> I.Vantaggiato, Altroquando
> C.Marazzi, Ceto medio e crisi della forma salario
> P.Virno, Il dito e la Luna
> I.Bussoni, Rompicapo della militanza
> R.Demontis et al, Forum
>
> LA NOSTRA TRADIZIONE
>
> La Nostra tradizione
> M.Lazzarato,T.Negri, Lavoro immateriali e soggettivita
> C.Luogo Comune, I cavalli a vapore del sapere
> P.Virno, Citazione di fronte al pericolo
> M.Lazzarato, Il ciclo della produzione immateriale
> C.Marazzi, Macchine linguistiche
> C.Luogo Comune, Per una democrazia extraparlamentare
> C.S.Cayennoutgestita et al, Basic Income
> M.Bascetta, et al, Lo Statuto che nonc'e
> T.Negri, Dalla transizione al potere constituente
> C.Luogo Comune, Tesi sul nuovo fascismo europeo
> P.Virno, Virtuosismo e rivoluzione
>
> the only address I can find:
> DeriveApprodi
> via Carlo Alberto 10,
> 00185 Roma
>
>
............................................................................
> Harry Cleaver
> Department of Economics
> University of Texas at Austin
> Austin, Texas 78712-1173  USA
> Phone Numbers: (hm)  (512) 442-5036
>                (off) (512) 475-8535   Fax:(512) 471-3510
> E-mail: hmcleave@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx
> Cleaver homepage:
> http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/index2.html
> Chiapas95 homepage:
> http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html
> Accion Zapatista homepage:
> http://www.utexas.edu/students/nave/
>
............................................................................
>
>
>
>      --- from list aut-op-sy@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx ---
>

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\pnlcrm\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}\pard\plain =
\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright \fs20\lang2057\cgrid {Immaterial =
Workers of the World
\par=20
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
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It is not wise to be scared of words. For example of the word: UNION. =
The hatred and contempt that the merchants of labour-power have merited =
in the course of time should not deter from the salient point: the =
territorial or
ganisation of the most urgent demands of the reservoir of postfordist =
labour. But (attention!) of the reservoir SUCH AS IT IS before it =
differentiates itself into wage labour, autonomous, servile, =
intellectual, executive etc. labour. The development of a=20
REVOLUTIONARY UNIONISM in the heart of postfordism is, and will remain =
for some time, the principle task of the grand politics. The rest counts =
and has weight, of course, but is precisely\'85\'85. the rest.
\par }\pard \nowidctlpar\widctlpar{\*\pn =
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)}}\ls1\adjustright {
We start from a fact so evident and banal, that it e
scapes however from view and from attention. Postfordist labour is not =
disposed, in Italy, to even the minimum of self-defence, resistance, =
collective bargaining. The situation, from this point of view, can be =
compared to the start of the industrial revol
ution. The absence of any elementary protection regarding in particular =
the small productive unit, the fruit of systematic \ldblquote =
externalisation\rdblquote ; the new services, from the pony express =
(couriers) to the chat-line telephonists
; the training contracts; the intermittent performance of intellectual =
labour (TV collaborators, translators etc.). And regarding, naturally, =
the immigrants.
\par }\pard \nowidctlpar\widctlpar{\*\pn =
\pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\adjustright {
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
3)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {A large part of indigenous=20
employed labour shares, today, some typical characteristics of the =
conditions of migrants. And vice-versa: the migrant exemplifies in the =
most apparent=20
mode the situation which faces a large part of employed labour. =
Employees in the personal service sector, in building, as seasonal =
workers in agriculture, the migrants play likewise a strategic role in =
the=20
most advanced industrial regions, from the North East to Pedemontana =
alle Marche. At the extreme margin, and nevertheless at the foundation, =
of productive co-operation, the migrant experiments to the highest =
degree with that clandestinity and that per
sonal rule by which, however, is characterised also the precariarity of =
the Italian language: enough to think of the young textile workers of =
Val Bormida forced to sign a redundancy letter which the boss uses when =
they become pregnant. The two principal p
oints of application of union activity are the \ldblquote fixed term =
workers\rdblquote  (that is those that pass several times, in one sense =
or another, the frontier between labour and non-labour), and the =
migrants (from) outside the community.=20
\par }\pard \nowidctlpar\widctlpar{\*\pn =
\pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\adjustright {
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
4)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {Models of revolutionary union
ism are, inevitably, the American Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), =
the Spanish CNT-FAI in the years before the civil war, the Italian =
Chambers of Labour running between the 18}{\super th}{ and 19}{\super =
th}{
 Centuries. Models to study at the root, to sketch out again, that =
attach themselves well to the reservoir of mass intellectuality. The =
organisations of catholic voluntary workers offer, in some cases, useful =
points to put in focus a union form capable=20
of grasping the connections between production and reproduction, labour =
and non-labour, culture and material interests.
\par }\pard \nowidctlpar\widctlpar{\*\pn =
\pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\adjustright {
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
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\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {The=20
social centres are, potentially, the CHAMBERS OF LABOUR of the =
archipelago of submersed, intermittent, flexible activity. A postfordist =
\ldblquote chamber of labour\rdblquote  combines different and =
complimentary funct
ions: a permanent RECEPTION CENTRE for clandestine immigration, an =
autonomous and alternative JOB CENTRE of mass intellectuality, data-base =
or ARCHIVE of information and knowledge; legal RED AID for questions of =
working rights; HOUSE OF MUTUAL AID.
\par }\pard \nowidctlpar\widctlpar{\*\pn =
\pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\adjustright {
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
6)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {In the
 large cities the union must root itself in the university. It must =
open, in every faculty, a section or a \ldblquote counter\rdblquote=20
 to assess and analyse the conditions of the student-workers and the =
worker-students. These hybrid figures are an evident key to the problem =
for whoever wants to organise the reservoir of immaterial labour.
\par }\pard \nowidctlpar\widctlpar{\*\pn =
\pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\adjustright {
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
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The radical union of the new IWW has as its aim the construction of an =
ALLIANCE. The reservoir of postfordist labour is today stretched between =
two trunks: a \ldblquote middle class\rdblquote  and a \ldblquote new =
poverty\rdblquote .=20
MIDDLE CLASS: sectors of autonomous labour of the second generation, the =
central nucleus (stable, with directional roles) of the co-operative or =
the micro-company of the \ldblquote tertiary sector\rdblquote , the =
\ldblquote symbolic analysts\rdblquote=20
 who the American ex-Minister of Labour Robert Reich speaks of, certain =
jobs of co-ordination in the innovated factory (FIAT of Melfi), a =
free-professionalism not without resources in the cultural industry and =
in communication. NEW POVERTY:=20
the immigrants, the subaltern strata of the \ldblquote tertiary =
sector\rdblquote=20
, the precarious workers without a safety net, off-the-cards workers. To =
ignore the division is mad. To pick out one of the two polarities to the =
detriment of the other is like a lie. It=20
is necessary to determine, through the concrete elaboration of a =
platform of demands, the point of convergence and of reciprocal =
potentiality between the \ldblquote middle class\rdblquote  and the =
\ldblquote new poverty\rdblquote=20
, instead of dealing on the run alternatively with the hardships of the =
one and the tragedies of the other. But it is necessary to know that a =
spontaneous recomposition is not possible starting from material condit
ions. What is needed, in the immediate moment, is a POLITICAL PACT (with =
some inevitable split within the \ldblquote middle class\rdblquote ). =
Or, more precisely, a profitable ALLIANCE.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
8)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
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The union pledges itself to elaborating a \ldblquote statute of =
rights\rdblquote  of postfordist labour, that does not oppose \ldblquote =
rigidity\rdblquote  to \ldblquote flexibility\rdblquote=20
 but aims to make of the latter a point of force, or the favourable =
material base of the institutions of counterpower of living labour. The =
\ldblquote statute of rights\rdblquote=20
 requires a long apprenticeship in the form of an INQUIRY, or, but it is =
the same, a grasp of the words of the mass.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
9)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
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The union fights for the abolition of all forms of copyright, of =
author\rquote=20
s rights, limitations of access to knowledge and information. The =
productive force based on knowledge and on communication is =
constitutively common, shared out (?), public. If many arrive at it in =
unison, it is not devalued, on t
he contrary, it increases and multiplies its usefulness. The abolition =
of copyright is the irrenuncable condition of non-representative =
democracy and of a public sphere finally not of the state.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
10)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {The union foresees
 in the school and the university the possibility of a \ldblquote third =
sector\rdblquote : certainly not private or businesslike, but neither =
state-bureaucratic, anchored in the swindling myth of the legal value of =
the certificate
 of study. With a brief image: when one is called on to chose between a =
headmaster-businessman or a headmaster-prefect, one can only respond =
requiring the abrogation of the headmaster TOUT COURT.=20
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
11)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {The reference=20
point for union action is the \ldblquote class struggle in =
France\rdblquote  of the last ten years: from the co-ordinations of the =
infirmary workers (1987) to the victorious struggle against the entrance =
wage (1994), from the transport workers\rquote=20
 strike which paralysed the Paris region, winning the solidarity of the =
users (1995) to the dispute over the guaranteed income opened by the =
unemployed (1997). Taken by itself, each episode
 is only interesting; considered together, in their sequence and =
internal links, these same conflicts constitute instead a true and real =
laboratory of the possible antagonism in the postfordist environment. =
The grave limits of the Italian Cobas (
one thinks of the great dispute of the teachers in 1987) has been its =
business-based, or rather territorial character. And so, above all, the =
inability to flow out from the stable and guaranteed sectors of =
employment (public services and big f
actories). And to insert itself in the fabric of the flexible, mobile, =
precarious proletariat. From this its progressive decline.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
12)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
To discuss revolutionary unionism, in Italy, means to pose also the =
question of Rifondazione communista. Or better, of the destiny of this =
organisation after the split and the leaving of the governing majority. =
Rifondazione is in fact at a junction: ei
ther the fetishization of the party form or getting used to living =
through the crisis with an inventive and experimental spirit; either to =
bare as a diminution the (quasi) extraparliamentary condition
 to which it has been reduced, or to take it as an opportunity to =
relaunch the social conflict. In synthesis: either the mythic-ritual =
cult of identity or investing itself (a part of itself, more or less) in =
a union action at the level of the times. T
ertium non datur. The clever theorist does not exist to retain much =
further as realistic a mythic-ritual option by Rifondazione. It is true, =
the probabilities are decisively on that side. But
 whoever is not indifferent to practical politics is not content with =
disenchanted expectation. There are other problems. Do not ignore the =
weight that a commitment by militants from Rifondazione would have in =
the construction of an organisational network
 between the now proverbial couriers or the textile workers of Val =
Bormida. Bet on the improbable. Proceed by trial and error.
\par }\pard \nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {=20
\par }}
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\par=20
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
1)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {Let\rquote=20
s not make a mistake. It is an error to believe that there still =
subsists a \ldblquote socialdemocratic question\rdblquote , or rather a =
complex project of society against liberalism, a defence to the bitter =
end of=20
the welfare state, a reformist attempt at a \ldblquote workers use of =
the state\rdblquote=20
. None of this. Socialdemocracy, today in government in Europe, compares =
without exception, even if also in different measure, to the US =
Democratic Party; political forces voted alternat
ely, not as an alternative. Alternating within a horizon of political =
economy predetermined and immovable.=20
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
2)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
This means, among other things, that the socialdemocracies of today are =
no longer compact political bodies endowed with that granite identity =
that the infernal couple \ldblquote labourism and statism\rdblquote=20
 had as a standard in the past. In the socialdemocracies, as also in the =
American Democratic Party, it is possible to recognise heterogenous =
stratifications, diverse generational and cultural sediments, lobbies in =

conflict among themselves. The only serious analysis of socialdemocracy  =
(serious because aimed at a practical questioning on single questions) =
is a transversal analysis.=20
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
3)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
Within socialdemocracy and the Greens it is possible to pick out today a =
European tendency inclined to promote experiments, even if partial and =
limited, of a citizens\rquote=20
 income. A tendency that admits, even under the technical and =
econometric profile, the failure of all other proposals intended to =
contain and to govern structural mass unemployment. Speaking with this =
tendency (in Italy=20
coinciding maybe with that part of the \rquote 77 generation which, out =
of hatred of Berlinguerism and the historic compromise, looked with =
sympathy on the birth of the PDS) is obviously fundamental.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
4)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {The grand politics, which
 has as its base the revolutionary syndicalism of the postfordist IWW =
has in the citizens\rquote=20
 income NOT yet a point of arrival, BUT of starting. That which really =
counts are the struggles, the forms of counterpower, the ability to take =
the initiative of imma
terial labour, which can arise on the base of an even very timid supply =
of money to the unemployed. But this starting point must be followed, =
step by step,=20
by a TRANSVERSAL political-cultural battle, planted within and outside =
the European democratic party (read: socialdemocracy no longer =
socialdemocratic a Green).
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
5)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
To take the initiative with pliability and lack of prejudice implies, =
however, the simultaneous construction of an appropriate \ldblquote =
place\rdblquote , of a structure far more agile which could co-ordinate, =
deep
en, empower political action. A FORUM FOR NON-REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY =
AND A CITIZENS\rquote  INCOME is the order of the day. To tell the truth =
it is already late. To favour transversalism is certainly not to limit =
it. To anticipate a
 fragment of a non-state public sphere is therefore not a parody. To =
make visible a collection of analyses, opinions, proposals that, radical =
but not at all extremist, converge in the demand: CAN YOU IMAGINE =
REVOLUTION?
\par }\pard \nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {
\par }}
------=_NextPart_000_0063_01BEE1C6.501FFB40
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{\title BIOPOLITICS AND COUNTERPOWER}{\author sys}{\operator =
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\fs20\lang2057\cgrid {BIOPOLITICS AND COUNTERPOWER
\par }\pard \qr\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {Toni Negri
\par }\pard \nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {
\par In what mode can a political initiative in metropolitan Italy =
(which is what the documents we are discussing deal with) be put in =
relation with the web of forces social and political, critical and =
radical of Europe?
\par The question is twice difficult to satisfy, or \endash  if you like =
\endash  twice paradoxical.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
1.\tab}}\pard \fi-360\li360\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn =
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.}}\ls1\adjustright {
to what advantage, in act, to claim a uniting with the political forces =
when all the action forecast and solicited by the document is =
essentially social?
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
2.\tab}}\pard \fi-360\li360\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnhang{\pntxta =
.}}\ls1\adjustright {Why claim a Europea
n dialectic of movement, political and social, when, to be realistic (as =
is opportune) not even the metropolitan Italian web seems today =
effectively practical, in a critical and radical perspective?
\par }\pard \nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {
\par The responses to these questions are diverse. I believe the one =
given to question 1 is fundamental. To approach it let us put in =
evidence some principles of that which is called the new political =
science.
\par (When I speak of the \ldblquote new political science\rdblquote  I =
speak, ironically but not too much, as the Founding Fathers of the =
American Constitution spoke of their \ldblquote new science\rdblquote=20
. They claimed that some intuitive principles had to be affirmed, in the =
age of Light, and universally diffused, so that, irresistibly, they =
constitute the base of all correct political reasoning. Ca
n we suppose that Foucault and Deleuze represent for us that intuitive =
patrimony that for the Founding Fathers was represented by Hume and =
Rousseau?)
\par Today, the first principle of the new political science is the =
affirmation of the biopolitical battleground (?-campo). It means that =
there is no \ldblquote autonomy of the political\rdblquote=20
; that on the contrary production and administration completely merge, =
without a residue, because to the extent that production becomes social, =
politics becomes productive. Seen from the point of view of the =
subjects,=20
biopolitics means that the economic and the political, the union and the =
bosses, the voluntary and the institutional order of social production =
etc. live the one within the other; the field of politics is therefore =
defined in a completely ne
w way (it is intuitively evident) of biopolitics,  in this way \endash  =
according to this \endash  is defined newly and fully the productive.=20
\par The second principle of the \ldblquote new political =
science\rdblquote  is that the struggle for power, in the case of =
biopower, develops within th
e biopolitical field, and that consequently the bioploitical field is =
qualified by a radical antagonism. The antagonism is manifest whenever =
the decisions over biopower, on the part of the producers of the social, =
reveal themselves irreducible to those th
a
t express the economic and political expropriators of social capital and =
the democratic institutions that represent them. Or better, wherever the =
social expression of productive power (biopolitics) is held back, =
distorted, blocked in forms of preservation
 of economic order and/or of the reproduction of preconstituted =
biopower.
\par If things are so, one can therefore=20
respond to the double paradox raised in question 1 (why a social action, =
to become effective, must cross politics) recognising tranquilly that =
the relationship between social action and the political is made =
necessary by
 the biopolitical integration of the two. In the Fordist regime this =
integration was anticipated (in crude but comparable forms) by the =
wage-form: the workers\rquote=20
 wage represented in fact the antagonism between the political and the =
social. Today, in the post
-fordist regimes, the biopolitical integration of the social becomes =
ever more strong and effective: the relationship between the wage and =
value, between production and politics, between wage and politics ever =
more direct. So it is necessary to merge soci
al and political action, and to manage them together.
\par But, still trying to respond to question 1, one must immediately =
add that, however much it is integrated, the biopolitical web is =
antagonistic. When we accept entering public institutions, we do not =
therefore enter them because=20
through them it is possible to produce long marches of transformation of =
their nature; nor because it is possible, by hiding in them to wait for =
the fatal moment of their revolutionisation: if we enter them it is to =
exercise a real
 dualist function (of reapropriation of space, material means and =
political possibility of alternative investment).
\par I believe that to this proposal an old, very old category, that of =
dual power can and must be taken up again.
\par (There are comrades who protest against the use of concepts =
referable to the practice of communist or revolutionary syndicalist =
struggle. To this annoyance one can, without arrogance, respond the =
\ldblquote the dualism of  power\rdblquote =20
constitutes maybe the most elementary and pragmatic form of politics: =
that there is no politics where there is not \ldblquote dualism of =
power\rdblquote  and that as a consequence to refuse to use these terms=20
is completely senseless because these terms are far more old and far =
more anthropologically rooted than however glorious the communist =
practice has experimented. Certainly when we talk of the \ldblquote =
dualism of power\rdblquote =20
we do not mean the legitimization of the immediate and summary =
destruction of the adversary; we mean above all an exercise of =
antagonism which aims to take away substance from the capacity of the =
exploiters to exercise biopower \endash  a long and v
ast exercise not a short and excited phase of war, and above all an =
exercise of ontological destruction of the adversary, a process of =
biopolitical hegemony. On the other hand we must pay atte
ntion to not confusing entrance into a process of public administration =
with the simple exercise of lobbying functions, without any general =
power.)
\par The \ldblquote metropolitan (postfordist) labour clubs\rdblquote  =
if there should ever be such a thing, can not but be organs of
 counterpower, or at least of dualism of power: they can not but express =
the radical diversity of interests of those who want to produce and are =
impeded from it (the unemployed), of those who produce and are exploited =
(the workers), of those who produce t
he sociality of the conditions of production and are expelled from it =
etc., in respect of those who hold the keys of these mechanisms of =
production of capitalist order of society.
\par This said we move on to question 2, and that is how to transport =
this paradoxical antagonistic relationship from the Italian metropolis =
to that of Europe?
\par We immediately leave the terrain by a possible simple objection: it =
is already very difficult to resolve certain problems in metropolitan =
Italy, so that to extend the range to the European terrain seems, =
immediately illusory and adventurist,
\par The \ldblquote new political science\rdblquote  offers us a third =
intuitive and necessary principle: the antagonistic relationship is =
global and nomadic. What does this mean? For those that look it means =
that we=20
will not manage to give any solution to the problems that are in front =
of us, if we don\rquote=20
t pose them immediately in a global light. But the global is nomadic, is =
so because of forces, powers, movements that refuse the limits of the =
nation state, that have a
lready gone beyond it, that project their desires outside of any =
structural determination of the local, because by the local one carries =
backwards a radical antagonism. So again we find ourselves in front of a =
(necessary) journey of biopolitical=20
integration between the local and global (for now we content ourselves =
with Europe) but, }{\i at the same time}{ of very singular =
contradictions that make untravelable the journey between local and =
global politics.
\par (Here we expound on a theme: that of federalism. In constitutional =
history if federalism on one side has often represented a model of =
democracy \endash  though certainly not direct \endash  close=20
to the citizen, on the other side it has also represented a reticular =
organisation of power that neutralises local contradictions, a
nd in the end destroys any antagonist resource. Today many comrades =
insist on federalism as a model of grass roots democracy. They are =
undoubtedly right.  But they can defend the federalist model only if=20
they can make rise again the antagonist resources rather than the =
consensual ones and those of constitutional equilibrium. And above all =
if they will arrange to define and manage the federalist model as a =
runway of linking with Europe=20
and, at the same time, of exporting elements of social antagonism, of =
biopolitical contradictions. Today the \ldblquote new political =
science\rdblquote=20
 to which we refer proposes a new definition of federalism: the =
definition of a nomadic federalism, in which the preconstituted values =
and powers are not saved and defended; on the contrary the pow
ers are predisposed to struggle and to hegemony of all those who want to =
produce \endash  and are excluded from doing it \endash  who want to =
circulate (and are forbidden by the o
pposition of borders and laws) who want to live freely and produce as =
much as their potential allows.)
\par So how to respond to the second question that we have posed? How to =
transfer the antagonist relations that we propose in metropolitan Italy, =
through an exercise of counterpower, on the European level? How to =
conceive of a metropolitan counterpower in the=20
environment of a nomadic European federalism?
\par The first two principles of the \ldblquote new political =
science\rdblquote , the one about biopolitics and the one about the =
antagonistic nature of decisions over biopower, open up two fundamental =
constitutional demands: that of u
niversal and unconditional \ldblquote citizens\rquote  income\rdblquote  =
and that of \ldblquote proletarian reapropriation\rdblquote=20
, or better of a constitutionalization of a counterpower that could =
affect the distribution of biopowers in terms of class. How to insert in =
this conceptual environment the third principle, that of \ldblquote =
nomadic federalism\rdblquote ?
\par The only road to go down seems to be that which shows how none of =
these principles can live in the absence of the others: this requires =
(?) the logic of the new \ldblquote political science\rdblquote . There =
is no possibility of \ldblquote counterpower
\rdblquote  in fact, wherever citizens are excluded from income; for the =
poor there is no democracy. Neither is there a possibility of income if =
there is not the capacity for autonomous reapropriation of spaces of =
administration; for the slaves there
 is no citizenship. Finally there is neither the possibility of wages or =
of the power of citizenship if workers are not allowed to move freely in =
the biopolitical space of production. Wages and citizenship are not in =
fact merely a collection of=20
legal norms but an excess of movements, a desiring machine and an =
ontological device of transformation \endash  always open.=20
\par We re-propose now, in a slightly more complex form, our third =
question; how to insert a \ldblquote nomad (or nomadic) =
federalism\rdblquote  into the program of European proletarians?
\par I don\rquote t know how to reply to this question. What is true is =
that in Europe, against the socialdemocratic forces that, on this theme, =
are particularly mute and often reluctant to take positions in favour of =
nomadism by immigrants, there emerge ever
 more political positions, Verts and Grunen who seem open to this =
program. The theme that we propose, that of making central \ldblquote =
nomadic federalism\rdblquote  in a program of \ldblquote citizens\rquote =
 income\rdblquote  and of \ldblquote=20
proletarian reappropriation of administrative spaces\rdblquote  can =
maybe be proposed in the discussions with the French and German greens. =
It
 is true that these political forces are, some times, if not =
indifferent, certainly less attentive to the other themes that are =
central for us: as much that of \ldblquote citizens\rquote  =
income\rdblquote  as of \ldblquote=20
reappropriation of administrative spaces\rdblquote . However I believe =
that we must lead the collection of forces to which we refer into the =
environment of a European political action: hoping that in brief it will =
now how to express also the \ldblquote=20
deep red\rdblquote  of the tradition of workers\rquote  and proletarian =
struggle of the 19}{\super th}{ and 20}{\super th}{ centuries, and =
viceversa.
\par =20
\par }}
------=_NextPart_000_0063_01BEE1C6.501FFB40--


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