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AUT: Re: negri:che te lo dico a fare?
- Subject: AUT: Re: negri:che te lo dico a fare?
- From: "michael zeitlin" <myk@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Wed, 21 Jul 1999 20:49:51 +0100
This is a multi-part message in MIME format.
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Here are rough translations to two of the sections from the journal which I
picked up in Milano. I'm sure someone else could do a better job but I need
the practice.
----- Original Message -----
From: Fiocco Laura <Fiocco@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
To: <aut-op-sy@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
Sent: Wednesday, July 21, 1999 1:20 PM
Subject: AUT: negri:che te lo dico a fare?
> e' uscito il n 18 di Derive e Approdi in cui e' stato pubblicato il
> documento/programma "che te lo dico a fare?" firmato Immaterial Workers of
> the World, presumibilmente scritto da Toni. Ci sono inoltre una serie di
> commenti critici al documento di centri sociali e compagni vari.
> Particolarmente interessante per coloro che studiano l'evoluzione
dell'area
> dell'autonomia.
> Credo che Derive e Approdi stia realizzando un sito web, ma non ne sono
sicura.
> ciao laura
>
>
>
>
> --- from list aut-op-sy@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx ---
>
------=_NextPart_000_0069_01BED3BA.94B4B080
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{\title The New Species}{\author sys}{\operator =
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{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}\pard\plain \nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright =
\fs20\lang2057\cgrid {The New Species
\par=20
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
1)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {With the expression \ldblquote=20
mass intellectuality\rdblquote it is never wished to designate a =
certain number of particular trades, but a quality of ALL postfordist =
labour. This formulation signals that labour has become essentially =
linguistic (mental, cogn
itive) or, but this is the same thing, that language has been put to =
work.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
2)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
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It is very easy, but wrong to say that mass intellectuality is an =
economic-sociological category among others, which replaces linearly =
that used in the fordist ambit. But it is also
easy and mistaken to say that mass intellectuality transcends economy =
and sociology, being defined above all by cultural constellations, =
ethical dispositions, living contexts. The matter is more complicated. =
Mass intellectuality is a NEW SPECIES. It is t
h
e central axis of capitalist accumulation: therefore it has an =
extraordinary socio-economic relevance. But it is the central axis of =
capitalist accumulation PRECISELY BECAUSE (not despite) its salient =
characteristics can only be described in ethical-cultu
r
al terms, as together differentiated from forms of life. Mass =
intellectuality stands at the centre of the postfordist economy =
precisely because its mode of being escapes from all concepts of =
political economy. This is the paradox to confront in terms of t
heory of organisation.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
3)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
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)}}\ls1\adjustright {
The principle form of existence of the \ldblquote new species\rdblquote =
is the RESERVOIR OF MASS INTELLECTUALITY. The reservoir
is the spatial/temporal ambit in which comes extralavorative =
socialisation. It is the context in which one forges the co-operation =
whic
h precedes and exceeds the labour process. To be concrete, social labour =
power institutes a bringing together of independent relationships within =
itself, which last as long as the employment (or lack of employment) of =
individuals; relationships which give
the unitary presupposition of all kinds of flexible and precarious =
jobs.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
4)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {The reservoir
, in which one develops linguistic co-operation, is the fundamental =
reality of waged labour no less than of autonomous labour. The legal =
specifications of types of occupation are precisely just\'85\'85. =
specifications.=20
Communicative and relational labour, formed by the reservoir, is thus =
eventually also autonomous. But it is not communicative and relational =
because it is autonomous.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
5)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {In the reservoir
of mass intellectuality it is impossible to sever working attitude from =
the \ldblquote world of life\rdblquote . In this sense the reservoir =
makes universal and paradigmatic the traditional characteristics of =
female labour.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
6)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {The reservoir
exhibits within itself, like a geological dissection, all the decisive =
elements of the globalised economy: migratory flux, communicative =
networks, clots of abstract knowledge, articulations of state =
administration. The reservoir
is a microcosm which exemplifies, on a local scale, the interlacing of =
the productive forces mobilised by postfordism.=20
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
7)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
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)}}\ls1\adjustright {
The fragmentation of the workers defers the unity of the reservoir, and =
vice versa. Political organisation is the organisation of the reservoir =
or is nothing.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
8)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {The reservoir
of mass intellectuality requires the growth of a NON REPRESENTATIVE =
DEMOCRACY and the formation of a NON-STATAL PUBLIC SPHERE. Everything =
that is tied to the exchange of equivalents postulates political =
representation (nonche) the identification of=20
\ldblquote public\rdblquote and \ldblquote statal\rdblquote . The other =
way round, everything that coincides with productive co-operation =
excludes representation and founds a public dimension asymmetrical to =
the state. So, since the reservoir
of mass intellectuality makes everything one with social co-operation =
which precedes and exceeds work in the strict sense, of itself it needs =
to say democratic, but not representable, public, but not of the state.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
9)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {The organisational forms
which attach (?) to the reservoir are the Social Centre, the Commune, =
the Soviet.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
10)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
The growth of a non-representative democracy and the formation of a =
non-governmental public sphere have as an inescapable condition the =
MAXIMUM DEVELOPMENT OF FEDERALISM, the drastic decentralisation of =
public spending, the proliferatio
n of local elective assemblies.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
11)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
A radical federalism holds in hatred the (gaglioffe???) inventions that =
are the province and the region. They deal with imaginary entities, to =
dissolve, concentrating the resources thus saved on the effectively =
LOCAL dimension.=20
Or, if you prefer, municipal. Understanding municipality to mean nothing =
other than the determined territory in which the reservoir of mass =
intellectuality organises itself as counter-power.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
12)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {Every aspect of a federalist re-
articulation of powers and competencies can and must be forced in a =
soviet sense; direct democracy, local self-government, revocable =
mandates, votes for immigrants and their eligibility for communal =
administration etc.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
13)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
Federalism must constitute besides, the institutional premise for a kind =
of NEP (yes, precisely the NEP promoted by Lenin after the defeat of the =
revolution in the West. New economic politics designed to run the =
transition). The federalist NEP consists
in giving place to forms of self-entrepreneuriality (or of \ldblquote =
business politics\rdblquote ) within the reservoir of mass =
intellectuality. A postfordist NEP, a transition which has local roots, =
here is a definition of federalism fit for drinking.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
14)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
Participation with our own list, or in others\rquote lists, in communal =
or ward elections etc.is an opportune and necessary step. So as =
opportune and necessary can result the relationship with that caricature =
of charismatic-bonapartist=20
politics which is today in Italy the mayor. From itself the =
participation in local elections and eventual talking with the =
\ldblquote party of the mayors\rdblquote is not something good in =
itself, nor a copernican revolution: its use is measured, step=20
by step, by the growth of institutions of non-representative democracy =
(soviet and NEP). As Donnie Brasco said, what did I tell you to do?
\par }}
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\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright \fs20\lang2057\cgrid {The Social =
Working Day
\par=20
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
1)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
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Politics today is governed by a social time outside of the cardinal =
points (?). The fixation of a new calendar is the prize of the political =
struggle.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
2)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
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)}}\ls1\adjustright {
Social time escapes from the cardinal points at the time when there is =
no longer anyt
hing that distinguishes work from the rest of human activity. So, at the =
time when work ceases to constitute a special and separate practice, =
inside of which are in force criteria and peculiar procedures, which are =
completely different from the criteria a
nd procedures that regulate non-work time.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
3)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
Work and non-work develop an identical productivity, based on the =
exercise of generic human faculties: language, memory, sociality, =
ethical and aesthetic inclinations, capacity to abstract and to =
apprehend. From the point of view of \ldblquote what
\rdblquote one does and \ldblquote how\rdblquote=20
one does it, there is no substantial difference between employment and =
unemployment. That is to say, unemployment is unwaged labour, and labour =
in its turn is waged unemployment. One can maintain, with good reas
on, that as much as one never stops working, so one works always less. =
These paradoxical or contradictory formulations testify together to the =
leaving of the cardinal points of social time.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
4)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {The old distinction between=20
\ldblquote work\rdblquote and \ldblquote non-work\rdblquote is =
resolved in this between waged life and unwaged life. The boundary =
between the one and the other is arbitrary, mutable, subject to =
political decision.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
5)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
The productive co-operation in which labour power participates is ever =
more ample, more rich, than that put in the fie
ld by the labour process. This includes also non-work. Labour power =
valorises capital only because it never loses its quality as non-work. =
Unproductivity, in the eyes of the capitalist (and of the destitute =
economist) is any service that does not claim in
its cause unwaged life.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
6)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
As social co-operation precedes and exceeds the labour process, =
postfordist labour is always also submerged labour. This expression =
doesn\rquote t mean only uncontractualised employment, \ldblquote black =
work\rdblquote=20
. Submerged labour is in the first place unwaged life, or rather that =
part of human activity that, homogenised completely into labour, is not =
however computed as productive force.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
7)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
We call production time the indissoluble unity of unwaged and waged =
life, work and non-work, emerged social activity and submerged social =
activity. Labour time is only a fraction, and not necessarily the most =
relevant, of production time.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
8)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
Surplus value springs today from productive activity that surpasses =
labour activity in the strict sense. The growth of surplus value=20
is gained, today, by modifying the proportion between the paid part and =
that unpaid of PRODUCTION TIME as a whole (not just between the paid and =
unpaid parts of LABOUR TIME only). Beyond the surplus labour of =
individuals, unwaged production time includes=20
its infralaborative and extralaborative co-operation.
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
9)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {
Practical politics at the level of postfordism must make all productive =
time completely visible, in its complete extent, making of it the only =
legitimate criteria for the distribution of wealth. The objective of a =
CITIZEN\rquote=20
S INCOME is obviously central. With this we reclaim retribution for the =
production time which overflows beyond labour time. The citizen\rquote s =
income is the SALARY FOR SOCIAL CO-OPERATION which precedes and exceeds =
labour time. The citizen\rquote s=20
income is nothing but the institution of a NEW CALENDAR.=20
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\fs20\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 =
10)\tab}}\pard \fi-720\li720\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn =
\pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta =
)}}\ls1\adjustright {The citizen\rquote=20
s income risks however reducing itself to a (giaculatoria =
rassicurante)??. Or to a fetish. Rather than give new breath to =
political action, it could simply confirm the paralysis. If it d
oes not break down into precise points on the budget and federalism, and =
above all if not sustained by the invention of a REVOLUTIONARY UNION OF =
IMMATERIAL, FLEXIBLE AND PRECARIOUS LABOUR, the fervent litany on the =
citizen\rquote=20
s income is equivalent to a discourse on a \ldblquote more just =
society\rdblquote . And discourses on a \ldblquote more just =
society\rdblquote we know are often the alibi of apathy or of the sly =
winking of petty trade.
\par }}
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