AUT: Part 2, Mex Labor News, 16 Oct

[Dan La Botz <103144.2651@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx>]

MEXICAN LABOR NEWS AND ANALYSIS, PART 2, BE SURE YOU HAVE PART 1

          HAN YOUNG WORKERS' FIGHT FOR UNION GOES ON
     AS MANAGEMENT MOVES PLANT, ARMY GIVES HYUNDAI CONTRACT

     The Han Young factory, where workers have been fighting for
a year and a half for an independent labor union, was moved to
another part of Tijuana in September. A scab skeleton crew
continues to produce truck chassis, but the union supporters
claim the quality is so poor that the product is being rejected
by Hyundai.

     Located in Tijuana, Mexico, the Han Young factory welds
chassis for nearby Hyundai operations, where the chassis are
assembled into tractor trailers ("semi's"). Since June of 1997,
workers at Han Young have been struggling to win representation
for an independent union and to get management to bargain a new
contract. Core issues are substandard wages (many skilled welders
receive the equivalent of only four U.S. dollars a day for a 10-
to 11-hour shift) and life-threatening health and safety issues
(inadequate safety equipment, lack of ventilation for toxic
gases, puddles of water while using high voltage equipment with
frayed cables, decrepit cranes which drop their loads without
warning or swing wildly out of control).

     A majority of the workers voted three times to be
represented by an independent union. Workers stood firm in the
face of armed thugs, bribes, firings, disinformation campaigns
and a host of illegal actions by management and government
officials in Mexico. Finally, workers won certification of their
union in January after a 26-day hunger strike, but management
still refused to negotiate a contract with the independent
"October 6" labor union. Since May 22 of this year, when the
previous contract expired, the union reports that virtually the
entire regular workforce at Han Young has been on strike.

     On February 18, the National Administrative Office (NAO, the
section of the U.S. Labor Department charged with overseeing U.S.
concerns regarding enforcement of the North American Free Trade
Agreement or NAFTA labor side accords) held hearings on the
Mexican government's failure to enforce its own laws covering
health and safety and freedom of association. The NAO's reports
on its findings called for consultations between the U.S.
Secretary of Labor and the Mexican Minister of Labor. However,
Mexico's Minister of Labor had never responded to Secretary of
Labor Alexis Herman's two requests for a consultation. =


     On October 8, there was an already scheduled meeting between
the U.S. Secretary of Labor and the Canadian and Mexican Labor
Ministers. Although the October 8 meeting was not a consultation
on Han Young, the Han Young issue was put on the agenda because
of the Mexican government's failure to respond to requests for a
meeting. The Friday before the October 8 meeting, the Minister of
Labor said he taking seriously the allegations and determinations
of the NAO reports and was taking steps to resolve the situation.
He also reportedly agreed to a ministerial level meeting, but so
far no such meeting has taken place.

               Hyundai Gets Another Army Contract

     The Support Committee for Maquiladora Workers (SCMW) which
has worked closely with the Han Young "October 6" union, reported
recently that Hyundai Precision America, the division of the
company which does business with Han Young, won a $49 million
contract with the U.S. Army earlier this year to produce 7,780
CROPs (Container Roll-in/Out Platforms: flatbed carriers for
armaments). The Hyundai/Army contract will add new incentives to
Congressional Representatives who have been pushing for
legislation stipulating that companies profiting from military
contracts should be required to abide by labor and environmental
laws. =


     This is not the only contract which Hyundai has had with the
military. Hyundai Precision America's total business in the U.S.
(military and civilian) comes to about $200 million yearly.
Sympathetic members of the U.S. House of Representatives are
reportedly making inquiries about the contract, and raise the
possibility of undertaking an investigation that into whether
Hyundai should continue to get such contracts, particularly given
its violations of Mexican labor law, an environmental action
pending against it, and the fact that it doesn't pay U.S. minimum
wage in Mexico.

               Consumer Campaign Against Hyundai

     Ted Chung, CEO of Hyundai Precision America (based in San
Diego, right across the border from Tijuana) will soon receive a
thick envelope with one letter signed by 87 representatives of
religious organizations and another letter signed by 156
representatives of community-based organizations. Both letters
state the signers' support for a consumer campaign directed at
Hyundai Motors because of the failure of Hyundai Precision
America (another division of the South Korea-based Hyundai Group)
to make its contractor Han Young in Tijuana abide by Mexican
labor law and international labor rights standards.

     On September 19, activists in a number of U.S. and Canadian
cities leafleted and picketed at Hyundai Motors dealerships, to
send a message to the Hyundai Group that it had better clean up
its act in Tijuana. In Chicago forty activists picketed and
leafleted a Hyundai dealership, protesting the company's
complicity in suppressing the Han Young workers' union campaign
in Tijuana, Mexico. Marching to the chants of "Labor Rights,
Hyundai Wrongs," the group, consisting of individuals from the
Labor Rights Task Force of the Nicaragua Solidarity Committee,
Jobs with Justice, Democratic Socialists of America and several
local unions, displayed a large banner showing support for the
Han Young workers and their independent union. =


     Seventy people also rallied in support of Han Young workers
in front of Knoxville, Tennessee's only Hyundai dealership as
part of the national day of action. TRA Imports, the site of the
rally, is located along a busy commercial strip in affluent West
Knoxville, where visible signs of protest are rare. A surprising
number of passing cars honked in support of protesters with signs
asking Hyundai to shape up their labor practices in Mexico and
declaring that free trade is bad for Tennesseeans, Mexicans,
Africans, children, and women.

     The rally was organized by the Tennessee Industrial Renewal
Network and brought attention to the upcoming "fast track" vote
and publicized the struggle the Han young workers in Tijuana.
Three speakers talked about the negative impact that free trade
can have as evidenced by the Han Young situation, the threat
posed by giving the president "fast track" trade negotiating
authority and the immorality of politicians and businessmen who
ignore basic human, worker and environmental rights in their
quest for more trade.

     Attending the rally were protestors from UNITE, IUE Local
796, Steelworkers, OPEIU, Grainmillers, SEIU, Teamsters, the
Knoxville Area Labor Council, Jobs with Justice (Knoxville and
Nashville), Highlander Center, Knoxville Ministerial Alliance,
Commission on Religion in Appalachia, SICK, NOW, the Alliance for
Hope (a student group) and other labor, community, religious and
environmental organizations.

     Han Young striker Jaime Garcia Barron conducted an intense
speaking tour along the U.S. East Coast from September 22 through
October 3 - sometimes appearing in two cities a day. Tour venues
included: Ithaca (NY), New York City, Springfield (MA), an
interview in Hartford (CT), New Haven, Keene and Manchester (NH),
Montpelier and Burlington/Colchester (VT), Providence (RI),
Bucks County Community College (north of Philadelphia), the UNITE
worker center in Philadelphia, a public presentation in
Philadelphia, Rutgers University (New Brunswick, NJ), Baltimore
(MD) and Washington, DC.

     In Washington, there were meetings with the AFL-CIO and a
number of Congressional representatives and staffers, as well as
a plenary presentation and workshop at the 50 Years Is Enough
national conference (attended by approximately 400 people). A
highlight of the tour was a press conference at the statehouse in
Trenton (NJ), where the Han Young worker was the featured
speaker. Governor Christine Whitman had returned a few days
earlier from a trade delegation to Mexico. The Industrial Union
Council of New Jersey hosted the press conference in order to
present the Mexican workers' side of the story about labor right
abuses under NAFTA.

     Finally, in September, Han Young striker Miguel Sanchez
Murillo went to Korea to give a presentation at an international
conference organized by the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions
(KCTU) and met with the Hyundai workers union federation and
other unions and non-governmental organizations. He was very
impressed with the militancy of the Korean workers and their
unions.

               Workers Continue with Wives Help

     According to the "October 6" union, the Han Young workers
remain strong and unified, in spite of the economic hardships
resulting from being on strike. Many are doing odd jobs and also
rely on the support of their wives, most of whom work in other
local factories. The strikers continue to maintain strong links
with workers at other plants in the area, and report that there
is strong interest in joining the independent "October 6" union. =


     On October 12, a resolution entered in the U.S. House by
Rep. Zoe Lofgren of San Jose (CA), signed by Reps. Gephardt,
Bonior, Filner, DeFazio, Kaptor, Brown, Sanders, Frank and
others, called upon President Clinton to urge the Mexican federal
government to intervene in the Han Young situation to bring about
a resolution. As of this writing, we don't know the result of
that resolution, which in any case sent a signal to Clinton
regarding Congressional concern about this issue.

     The Campaign for Labor Rights which has been coordinating
support for the Han Young workers continues to organize
leafleting and picketing at Hyundai Motors dealerships.

                              ###

          AXIOHM WORKERS WIN APPEAL IN MEXICAN COURT
     =

     Workers at the Axiohm factory in Tijuana (which produces
printer devices for ATM and lottery ticket machines) won an
appeal in Mexican federal court on October 14. The Axiohm workers
had voted to be represented by the "October 6" independent union
founded by the Han Young workers. However, when the Axiohm
workers submitted a contract to their employer, the Tijuana labor
board said that the October 6 union didn't have to be recognized
for negotiation purposes because another union might want to
represent them. =


     The workers then filed an appeal of this decision and their
appeal has been upheld by the court. Technically, now the labor
board should insist on negotiations between the company and the
workers as represented by "October 6," but so far the workers
haven't heard a response from the labor board. The Axiohm workers
are planning to participate in a demonstration to demand their
rights.
                    ---------------------              =

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                              ###

     A REFLECTION ON THE TLATELOLCO MASSACRE OF OCTOBER 2, 1968 =


                       By Salvador Zarco =


(Salvador Zarco is the former General Secretary of Section 15 of
the Mexican Railroad Workers [STFRM]. The following interview was
conducted in Mexico City by MLNA staff member Don Sherman.}

     In 1968, I was a philosophy student at the National
Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), and like many others in
my generation, I was involved in student politics. There was
group of us, both students and faculty members, that initially
joined together to protest the U.S. invasion of the Dominican
Republic. [In April 1965 President Lyndon B. Johnson ordered the
invasion and occupation of the Dominican Republican by a force
which eventually reached 25,000 U.S. Marines.-ed.] Though our
University group was concerned about the economic and physical
threats to Latin America from the United States, we also involved
ourselves in a number of protests against injustice in our own
society as well. =


     For most of 1968 there were other active student and social
movements and protests throughout Mexico City. The focus for
these demonstrations and activities especially in the summer of
1968 was almost always directed against the Mexican government's
repression of the growing student and social movements. In =

late July of that year in response to these mostly student
demonstrations, Mexican military and police units invaded the
National Polytechnic Institute in Mexico City. In this invasion
hundreds of students were seriously injured and dozens were
killed. =


     The government justified its actions by declaring that the
social and student movements in the city were part of some
"communist" conspiracy. However, this massacre only intensified
the protests and demonstrations in the city. Progressive and
student organizations began to call for the end of repression,
for democracy and respect for the Mexican Constitution. Instead
of responding with an attempt at a dialogue, the Mexican
government reacted with just more and more repression. Students
were arbitrarily arrested, and by September 1968 my university
was occupied by government troops. =


     This cycle of violence and repression by the Mexican
government against the students provoked anger against the
government from many workers in the city. From my perspective, as
the involvement of workers against government repression grew,
the government became more aware of the possibility of the
student and social movements uniting with workers to force
democratic changes in Mexican society. Consequently, government
reprisals against students and progressive social leaders
increased. =


     There are a number of examples of worker participation in
the movement against government repression. At the annual
assembly of the Mexican Electrical Workers union (SME), there was
a vote taken sometime in September 1968 to fully support the
students. Hundreds of railroad workers in the city actively began
to back and encourage the students. Of course at that time, the
directors of the union were aligned with the PRI, the governing
party and they did everything they could to discourage railroad
workers from participating in the continuing demonstrations
against the government. I can also recall that at some point
workers from the PEMEX refinery at Azcapotzalco battled against
government repression, and set a number of military vehicles on
fire.

     Since the Mexican press never accurately reported the events
of the summer and fall of 1968, it was easy for the government to
hide the increasing involvement of Mexican workers in the
struggle. But it did occur, and if the union movement as a whole
had been more democratic and not closely tied to the government,
there would have been much more worker support for the students. =


     This is the background and events that led to the massacre
at Tlatelolco or the Plaza of Three Cultures on the night of
October 2, 1968. That night, as I understood, there was supposed
to be a meeting at the Plaza between the students and
representatives of the Mexican government to start the process of
resolving the conflict. There was a Mexican government promise of
peace, but the result, of course, of this promise was a massacre
where I believe 300 to 500 students and workers were killed
through this act of government treachery. This type of treachery
is not unusual in Mexican history. Zapata was lured to his death
by government trickery, so I am not surprised that the EZLN and
Marcos are wary and have some fears about entering any new dialog
with the Mexican government.

     I was not present at the Plaza on October 2, 1968 since I
had another obligation for that evening. Certainly, I did not
expect another government attack on the students and workers. =

=46rom where I was that night near the center of the city, though,
I could hear distinctly the shots from the Plaza. Later, not
knowing the full implications of what happened I went to work as
a proof reader at EL DIA, one of among many newspapers in the
city. On my way to work, I saw dozens of burned out busses and
trolley cars. It was evident to me then that there had been a
tremendous confrontation in the city between government forces
and the students and workers. =


     After work the next morning, I went from apartment to
apartment looking for my friends. No one seemed to be home at the
first two apartments that I went to, on the third, however I was
greeted by members of the Mexican secret police. Whether they
were looking for me or not, I was immediately arrested and taken
to a police station. I was put into a cold empty room,
blindfolded, beaten and given electric shocks the entire day. It
was an experience of horror. They wanted me to admit to a number
of crimes against the State, which I never did. =


     I found out later that the government arrested around 2,000
of us during that week. We were imprisoned without trial at three
different cites in Mexico City. In December 1968, most of those
who were  detained were released. However, I along with 80 others
remained in prison without ever having a trail until December,
1971. Then, mysteriously, all of our charges were dropped and we
were freed as if the government had just decided that it suddenly
had made a mistake in arresting us.

     What this experience did for me was to make me even more
committed to social action. In 1974 I found a job as a railroad
worker. I had admired the history of the railroad union in Mexico
as well as Demetrio Vallejo, the progressive union leader of the
Mexican railroad workers. I became active in the union, and
eventually became the General Secretary of Section 15 of the
Mexican Railroad Workers Union up until it was disbanded in July,
1997 after the government had sold to a private company the
railroad line I worked on for so many years.

     As I remain committed to the union and social struggles in
Mexico, I decided to attend the recent demonstration to mark the
30th anniversary of the October 2, 1968 massacre. What I found
remarkable in this year's demonstration was that two generations
of Mexicans marched side by side in a joint struggle to show that
history does have a meaning. There were thousands of
demonstrators from all the universities in Mexico City. These
countless thousands far outnumbered their counterparts thirty
years ago in the Plaza of Three Cultures. However, at this year's
rally there was a lack of union participation. Since most Mexican
unions are still aligned with the government that was not
unexpected. Still, a speaker from the National Assembly of
Workers [ANT] addressed the marchers showing that it is still
possible for the student and union movements in Mexico to work
together.

     The struggle against the repression of our student movements
in 1968 has brought some lasting and positive changes in Mexico.
For one, before 1968 it was almost impossible to have a
demonstration in Mexico. Now thirty years later, people with
grievances and issues can freely take the streets and demand
action and accountability from their government. And this recent
October 2nd march showed that Mexican students have not been
fooled by the years of government lies and misinformation about
the events in 1968. That alone gives me hope for the future of
Mexico.

SOCIAL STATISTICS

Jobs Goal Not Reached

     Secretary of Labor Jose Antonio Gonzalez Fernandez, a
possible presidential candidate in the year 2000, announced that
this year Mexico will not meet its goal of creating one million
permanent, full-time jobs. So far only 700,000 jobs have been
created, counting both permanent and temporary positions. (Arturo
Zarate Vite, "No se creara el millon de empleos que prometio la
STPS en este Ano," EL UNIVERSAL, 13 October 1998.)

Jobs Created in Textile Industry

     The fiber, textile, and clothing industry created 80,000
jobs this year, 27,000 of them in the maquiladora sector,
according to Decio de Maria Serrano, the subsecretary of
Promotion of Industry and Foreign Trade. (Veronica Garcia de
Leon, "Genera sector textil, 80 mil empleos en el ano," EL
UNIVERSAL, 10 October 1998.)

Micro-Industries Lose Jobs

     Since Mexico's economic opening in the 1980s and 1990s, of
which the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) formed the
centerpiece, Mexico's microindustrial sector, that is very small
businesses, has lost over 100,000 jobs, according to Manuel
Villagomez Rodriguez, president of the National Confederation of
Microindustries. (Jaime Ramirez Yanez, "La apertura comercial
acaba con mas de 100 mil empleos," LA JORNADA 7 October, 1998.)

Maquiladora Sector Continues to Grow

     Maquiladoras in Mexico now employ 1,003,918 workers, this is
a 13.3 percent increase compared to January-July 1997. In the two
most important states, Baja California has gone from 189,679
workers to 209,750 and Chihuahua from 234,525 to 247,258 workers.
This according to the latest report of the Mexican Institute of
Statistics (INEGI). (Maria Mora, "Asciende el Personal Ocupado
por Maquiladoras, Informa el INEGI," EL SOL DEL CENTRO, 5 October
1998.)

Real Wages Falling

     During this presidential term of President Zedillo (1994-
2000), known in Mexico as a "sexenio" or six-year period, the
national minimum wage which sets the standard for most Mexican
workers' wages have lost 35 percent of its value. Today a worker
with a minimum wage can only purchase 40.4 percent of the basic
food basket--excluding dairy products and meat. (Arturo Gomez
Salgado, "Aumenta la desnutricion por el desplome del poder de
compra en el sexenio," EL FINANCIERO, 13 October 1998.)

Company Unions Predominate in Federal District

     Of the Federal District's 363,000 firms, 75 percent have
"sindicatos blancos" or company unions, and only 68,000 have
labor union contracts deposited with the Local Board of
Conciliation and Arbitration (JLCA) according to Alfredo Pantoja
Guzman, leader of the Union of Free Workers (SOL) and Beniot
Baena, of the vigilance commission of the National Union of
Workers (UNT). Only 11,000 of the contracts are periodically
revised as the law requires. Elizabeth Velasco C., "Los
sindicatos blancos dominan el panorama laboral en el DF," LA
JORNADA, 8 October 98.)

Mexican Migrant Labor in U.S.

     According to the International Labor Organization (ILO)
there are 17 million Mexicans in the United States, of whom 2.5
million are undocumented (or illegal) immigrants. In the last 12
years the U.S. government has deported 14 million Mexican
workers. In 1995 alone the U.S. arrested and expelled 1.6
million, including 30,000 minors. (Arturo Gomez Salgado, "Laboran
en Estados Unidos 2.5 milliones de indocumentados mexicanos," EL
FINANCIERO, 12 October 1998.)

Women's Role in the Labor Market in Mexico City

     Women's participation in the labor market increased from 17
percent to 33 percent in the last 20 years, in part due to the
fall in wages of male workers. Of the 2.2 million homes counted
in the Federal District (Mexico City), 1.7 million depend in part
on the income of the woman. Women's wages are 25 percent less
than those of men doing the same kind of work. This according to
the Federal District's Undersecretary of Labor and Social
Welfare. (Arturo Gomez Salgado, "Crece la participacion de la
mujer en el mercado laboral," EL FINANCIERO, 8 October 1998.)

Child Labor In Federal District

     About 25,000 children work in the Federal District in a wide
range of occupations from porters and car washers to street
vendors and prostitutes, despite the fact that the Federal Labor
Law (LFT) prohibits child labor, according to the Mexican
Collective in Support
 of Children (Comexani). (Jessica Olvera,
"Integrados cerca de 25 mil menores a la fuerza laboral," EL
UNIVERSAL, 12 October 1998.)

END MEXICAN LABOR NEWS AND ANALYSIS, OCT 16, 1998, VOL. 3, NO. 18


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