A-list
mailing list archive
[ Other Periods
| Other mailing lists
| Search
]
Date:
[ Previous
| Next
]
Thread:
[ Previous
| Next
]
Index:
[ Author
| Date
| Thread
]
[A-List] Romantizing working classes - about workers, logic and their thinki
- To: <a-list@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Subject: [A-List] Romantizing working classes - about workers, logic and their thinki
- From: "Charles Brown" <cbrown@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Tue, 7 Mar 2006 14:30:11 -0500
- Thread-index: AcZCHYzJ/mBlnBWITq2Dci/CyaBgOQ==
<<MP: The section of the working class with the least connection to capital
is the key that is fundamental to social revolution during this era of
history. This runs against the entire grain of the classical Marxism of the
Third
and Second International.>>
>>CB: The proletariat is not just the industrial proletariat. The
proletariat is all waged labor, including socalled service workers, or
however one wants
to term the sections of the working class "furthest" from
"industry".Capital is not big industrial machines. It is the
wage-labor/capital
relationship.<<
MP: The issue I spoke of was not the section of workers "furthest" from
"industry," but the poorest workers with the least connection to bourgeois
production and that section of the working class whose spontaneous motion
compels
it to batter the state. Least connection is an economic concept that means
the
least economically stable section of the working class. Sorry I did not
make
this clear. Least connection . . . means least connection.
********************
>>>Furthermore, with the running away from the U.S. national territory of
so much of industry, of the actual points of industrial production, there
may
arise in the remaining industrial proletariat of the U.S. a new
dissatisfaction with the system and militancy ,in that they are being
impoverished by the process. It may not riseup ,but it shouldn't be shunned
in our efforts to do political education. <<<
MP: There might arise . . . might arise . . .
^^^^^
CB; Is there an echo in here ?
^^^
MP: militancy in those workers remaining somewhere . . . or what I call and
in actual fact happens to be, the most economically stable sector of the
working class? Interesting proposition considering many of us have observed
this "remaining" section for the past 50 years.
^^^
CB; You are also the one who puts so much emphasis on the revolution in the
forces of production of today. What you have observed for 50 years might be
changing.
^^^^^^
Below is my understanding of your meaning.
A). the remaining industrial workers in the US might experience a
dissatisfaction and become militant as the result of American jobs being
shipped overseas.
B). The remaining industrial American workers are being impoverished "by
the process" of shipping American jobs overseas ("running away from the
U.S. national territory" )
C). These remaining industrial workers who might rise up and who are being
impoverished as the result of their jobs being moved overseas should not be
shunned in our efforts to win the working class as a whole, over to the
cause of communism; or revolution or the spontaneous demands for economic
communism, that arises from the most poverty stricken section of American
society.
What of the workers - say in auto, who actually are losing their jobs, for
a complex of reasons of which plant movement outside our national borders
has not been the primary reason during the past 48 years?
^^^^
CB: They might get more active too.
^^^
Take Detroit . . . your
home town. Has plant movement outside U.S. national borders been the
primary reason for job loss in Metropolitan Detroit and through the great
state of Michigan? Especially amongst autoworkers during . . . say the past
seventy years? Or the steel workers or the old rubber workers plants that
once lined Jefferson Ave? Or the hospital workers?
^^^^^
CB; Yea, pretty much,if you say Detroit. Some of the movement of plants from
Detroit has been to the surrounding suburbs.
^^^^
The workers who actually lose their jobs are an important element in the
scenario you outline. Where do these workers go . . . the real people that
lose and are losing their jobs? As a general rule these workers who are
losing their real job become poorer. The remaining workers - those who do
not lose
their jobs, are always in contact, conflict and contest with the bourgeois
power - the bourgeoisie, by the fact of their relationship. This
relationship between the actively employed workers and the bourgeois power
directly drives
capital through all quantitative boundaries of the industrial system in all
its phases.
^^^^^
CB: What do you mean by quantitaive boundaries ?
^^^^^^^
The poorest workers and mass of unemployed indirectly drives the same
process because they determine the bottom measure of value or the actual
material cost of reproduction of the working class as a living entity.
I am not speaking of categories as such but a living process, but there is
no other way to describe a living process except by isolating its various
components and their connection or interactivity. The question is not "who
is the
most important in the working class" or who is "furthest" away from
"industry" or an abstract speculation about what a particular group of
workers might do.
What section of the working class is in active combat with the state?
^^^^^
CB; What do you mean by "combat" ? Not armed struggle, do you ?
^^^^^^
I believe as I have stated several times that your proposition is just
thinly disguised national chauvinism and the imperial outlook and ideology
of the economically most stable section of the working class.
^^^^
CB: No, they aren't national chauvinism or an imperial outlook. That you
committing slander. You say it but, you make no good supporting argument.
^^^^^
The move of industry overseas is not the cause - implied, for the growing
poverty within the national borders of America - (the U.S. national
territory). Nor can the movement of industry overseas be isolated as the
roots cause of the downward pressure on wages and the actual fall of wages
within "the U.S. national territory."
^^^^^
CB; It's a cause of loss of jobs. There are other causes.
^^^^^
May I ask why the move of industry outside "the U.S. national territory" is
even important to the working class of America as a whole? Seriously . . .
why is the move of industry outside the US national borders important to
our working class as a whole? This is a valid question in as much as you
later speak of the unity of the working class as a whole. Why is the move
of industry
outside the US national borders important to our working class as a whole?
^^^^^
CB; Because it causes members of the working class to lose jobs. One for all
and all for one. An injury to one is an injury to all. Solidarity forever.
^^^^^^
The movement of American industry overseas and the increase of poverty in
America is actually a specific logic that cannot be explained as "running
away from the U.S. national territory".
^^^^
CB: Not explain. "Movement of industry overseas" is identical with "running
away from the U.S. national territory." They are synonymous statements.
^^^^^^
This so called "running way" mimics the
cry of 30 years ago when a section of our trade union movement raised the
banner against the "runaway shop." Industry, more often than not, trade
unions or closed shops, moved from the Northwest to South to escape the high
wages of the unionized North and Midwest and also for other important
reasons. "Closed
shop" meant that the individual had to join the union as a condition of
employment in the shop or plant.
Did these workers in the North and Midwest get angry? Yes! Did they become
militant? Yes, . . . I think so, especially the workers at the old Bud
Wheel, as they watched their work move South of the Mason Dixon line. There
is a logic to what we have faced since the 1930s.
Under Roosevelt our country became faced with a Europe in ruins and a pent
up hunger for commodities by "the civilized world working class."
Internally two historically evolved factions of the bourgeoisie were in
combat, with "New
York money" and industrial capital par excellence needing to develop an
industrial infrastructure in the South. The need was to gear America up as
the premier industrial producer on earth. The tractor and the mechanization
of agriculture was already underway. The result would set at least 10 - 15
million
people in motion. The key to the economic and political stability of
America as a global power was industrial expansion in the South and
Southwest. This meant developing a modern industrial infrastructure.
Sections of the trade unions raised the banner of the runaway shop and
sought to develop various strategies to combat what was called "the Southern
strategy" of the bourgeoisie.
My point is that you are not really speaking of the working class in
America but the industrial workers of the North and specially what was
called the "Rustbowl" and the acknowledged decay of the industrial classes
in the 1980s and 1990s. The working class in the South and Southwest is
basically one - no more than one and a half, generations removed from
agriculture. They have not
lost jobs from the standpoint of the scale that is the transition from
agriculture to industry.
The move of industry was much more dynamic and complex than my quickie
description and also included industry moves to Canada as a lower wage
producer, especially in respects to auto and its related industries. Later
there was NAFTA at a time when China was beefing up its industrial capacity
on the basis of very low wages as compared with the historical wages
structure of the
American North and Midwest, or rather China was beefing up its industrial
capacity on the basis of the cost of reproduction of its own working and
laboring class.
This concept of "the running away from the U.S. national territory of so
much of industry," - even if it was true and it is not as formulated, means
exactly what? That those workers still working "might" get angry or do
something?
^^^^^
CB; Yes, might. So, we don't exclude them from our efforts to raise class
consciousness.
^^^^^
There is no need for any of us to speculate as such about what a group of
workers "might" do.
^^^
CB; Sure, here we do so speculate. It's fine and dandy around here.
^^^^^^^
Those workers permanently eliminated from say auto and
steel and before that rubber have long ago moved into other sections of the
working class and more often than not, the lower paid section.
In other words I reject in total how the classical Marxian presentation of
the question facing our modern working class is posed and looked at. This
is so because this outlook is no more than political syndicalism and
imperial chauvinist ideology masked as classical Marxism.
^^^^^^
CB: As you so often tdo you are here just namecalling without supporting
argumentation, when you say "imperial chauvinist ideology". Give a reason
why you think it's "imperial chauvinist ideology", and then I'll respond.
As to syndicalism, you'll have to define what you mean. Seems you mean
something like trade unionism pure and simple, i.e. ecnomiism, but it's not
clear to me what you mean.
^^^^^^^
I believe a deeper and more meaningful approach to what is happening in
America, resides in how Marx describes the behavior of classes and section
of classes that decay in the face of the advance of industry.
^^^^^^
CB: I thought you said you are not a Marxist, or you are not putting forth a
Marxist argument.
^^^^^
A section of Marxism
does not acknowledge or proceed from a point of view that the industrial
form of the working class is in advanced decay in the imperial centers on
earth.
^^^^^
CB: When you say "imperial centers" are you referring to national
territories ?
^^^^^^^
Classes decay in the face of the advance of industry and there is nothing
new about this process.
^^^^^
CB: Do you subscribe to Lenin's definition of classes ?
^^^^^^
In its barest abstraction, we are talking about
thousands of years, that together reveal the revolutionizing of the
productive forces and the rise and fall of classes and their historically
specific form.
^^^^^
CB: Correction. _You_ are talking about thousands of years and so forth. I'm
not talking about thousands of years on this.
^^^^^^^
If we believe, as I see and have experienced it, that the industrial form
of the working class is in advanced decay,
^^^^^
CB: You mean the industrial form of the working class in the U.S. , right ?
In terms of the whole world, there's more mass produced than ever.
^^^^^^
and not as the result of the move of
industry abroad, but rather as the result of the technological revolution,
^^^^
CB: Manufacture, i.e. hands on the means of production is being reduced as
the result of the development of technology. That has been true since the
industrial revolution. Machines replaced human hands and arms. See Marx's
analysis of Modern Industry in _Capital_Vol. I. Industry is not in decay.
The hands and arms of robots are replacing those of humans. So, the role of
"manual" labor or human hands is lessened,but the role of machines is
expanded. Robots are machines. Machines define industry. So increase in
robots is an increase, not decrease in industry. It is _super_industrial. It
is a decrease in manufacture, i.e. the role of human hands in production.
^^^^^^
then one might seek to apply Marx's approach and description of a decaying
class and classes to our society.
^^^^^^
CB: What part of Marx are you talking about ?
^^^^^6
Moving industry abroad will at best shrink the
industrial classes as production, in a given region of earth but not cause
their decay and transformation into something else.
^^^^
CB: Agree. Total industrial production on earth is increased from previous
periods. In U.S. , manufacturing jobs are increased. In some other
countries, manufacturing jobs have increased.
^^^^
In other words the classical Marxian movement in America, or rather the
political syndicalists gravitating towards Marxism, have not unraveled and
described the behavior of the industrial working class itself as it decays
in the face of the advance of industry. Everyone in our society - and every
place else on earth, knows and will tell you we are undergoing a profound
revolution
in the technological regime that is changing the character of work.
^^^^
CB: What's your measure that demonstrates that it is more profound than
previous scientific and technological revolutions, as with fossil fuels,
electricity, assembly line, automation ?
^^^^^^^
The industrial form of the working class decays in the face of the advance
of industry and he who attaches their wagon and theory of social revolution
to any class, including the industrial classes, that are in decay in the
face of the advance of industry, is in for a rude wakening to what I
consider the
most elementary facts of life in America and the most elementary approach
to social life deployed by Karl Marx himself.
^^^^^
CB: I thought you said you are not using Marx's theory ?
^^^^^^
My general premise does not really
require a Marxian (without quotes) understanding but rather the power of
observation and ability to look at what is taking place and not lie to ones
eyes and ears.
^^^^
CB: It is not possible for an individual to see it all with her eyes. One
has to use science and abstraction to understand it all.
^^^^^^^
Our industrial working class is in decay and this is not the result of "the
running away from the U.S. national territory of so much of industry."
^^^^
CB: Yes, some of it is.
^^^^^^
Nor is
"the running away from the U.S. national territory of so much of industry"
the salient feature of the antagonism that has surfaced in our society.
^^^^^
CB: It is a salient feature. Not only that, the greater scattering and
mobility of points of industrial production is made possible by and the
result of the very revolution in the science and technology of communication
and transportation through computer aided design and manufacture. The
industrial corporations are able to place plants far apart from each other
geographically, territorially because of the specific revolution in
communication and transportation that you refer to, something I have said
about 20 times in response to your repetition of the same themes about 200
times
^^^^^^
It is true that some remaining workers who have watched others lose their
jobs due to plant movement overseas . . . might . . . become militant and
then what?
^^^
CB: Then they might take up a task of tranforming society. Just as much
likely as the other sectors of the working class might.
^^^^^^
Demand that these jobs be returned to U.S. national territory to
stabilize their employment? Or to bring back the workers who lost their
jobs?
^^^^^
CB: Yes, or build new plants and provide jobs for these workers.
^^^^^^^
What I have told the remaining workers who watch job loss due to
rationalization of production, even when they did not get militant, is that
we need a system that protects the very poorest by providing socially
necessary means of life even if people have no money. Many of the first
response is generally
"what about me? I have to work for these same socially necessary means of
life and I do not think that is fair."
On this basis the struggle to educate the workers take place.
Melvin P.
- Thread context:
- [A-List] Shanghai's housing bubble bursts,
Sabri Oncu Mon 06 Mar 2006, 21:15 GMT
- [A-List] Deh Cho suing Mackenzie Valley Environmental Impact Review Board,
Macdonald Stainsby Mon 06 Mar 2006, 21:07 GMT
- Re: [A-List] Romantizing working classes - about workers(2) logic and thinking,
Waistline2 Mon 06 Mar 2006, 18:04 GMT
- Re: [A-List] Romantizing working classes - about workers, logic and their thinki,
Waistline2 Mon 06 Mar 2006, 17:48 GMT
- [A-List] Synergy,
Omahkohkiaayo_ipoyi Mon 06 Mar 2006, 16:17 GMT
- [A-List] For Imm Rls: Anti-War Picket against Canada's occupation of Afghanistan (Mon March 6th),
Ivan D. Drury Mon 06 Mar 2006, 12:21 GMT
[ Other Periods
| Other mailing lists
| Search
]