Re: [A-List] Iraq: Former Spies Worried, Fear Defeat

[Waistline2@xxxxxxx]

>The strategy of the United States in its war with radical Islam is in a
state of crisis. The global strategic framework is in much better shape than
the tactical situation in the Iraq theater of operations -- but this is of
only
limited comfort to Washington because massive tactical failure in Iraq could
lead to strategic collapse.<

Comment

I really enjoyed this report immensely and grateful for it being forwarded to
this list.

The State of the United States of North America is a multinational state
authority and is the basic organ of violence and repression in the hands of the
Anglo American imperialist bourgeoisie. This state is and has been the
international hangmen of revolutions and the enemy of the people of earth.

We have entered an era of mounting proletarian upsurge and communist economic
revolution. The war in Iraq brings together a complex of issues involving
oil, dissolution of semi-feudal structures that inhibit the flow and domination
of speculative capital, buttressing the Israeli State and attempts at
politically controlling the "Middle East" on the basis of liquidating the Palestinian
question. What ties the state of the USNA to al Qaeda is the bourgeois property
relations . . . private property pure and simple. What ties the state of the
USNA to the various regimes of the "Middle East" is the bourgeois property
relations . . . private property pure and simple.

More fundamental than all the complex social issues is the need of the USNA
State to defeat the mounting world wide proletarian upsurge before it
consolidates. We faced a radically different class alignment than faced by our
communist heirs during the transition from agricultural relations to world wide
industrial relations. The poverty stricken masses in the earth are not a petty
bourgeois mass. This mass is not a lumpen proletariat that takes shape during the
transition from agriculture to industry. This poverty stricken mass is
declassed proletarians possessing nothing other than the sale of their labor power and
cannot enter the system of buying and selling of labor power. They are
"declassed" because they express a radical breach in the internal bond that that
welded labor and capital into a social process.

Overthrowing the Leninist form does not mean overthrowing Lenin's doctrine of
social revolution. The social revolution takes place in the material power of
production - the spontaneous and accelerating reorganization of the
technological regime. This impulse compels society to leap to a new political basis
that allows for the all round development of the new productive forces. Unlike
the period of transition from agriculture to industry, the form of property is
not coming under attack but rather all forms of property.

Imperialism irresistible urge to reconstruct Iraq on the basis of remnants of
its previous bourgeois regime is a class assertion or a demand being
generated to property the bourgeois property relations. The increasing fight against
the "collaborators" - terribly complex in its ideological and social features,
is an objective communist impulse because its economic logic has to provide
for the well being of the Iraqi masses. No ideology has ever filled a hungry
stomach or cut the lights on.

More important for communist is Lenin's political response to imperialism.
During the development of all the economic and social contradictions of
bourgeois property, imperialism always advance towards war as a solution while the
workers - no matter what their stratification, always move towards revolution. It
is a radical misconception to understand the resistance in Iraq to world
imperialism as a "national liberation struggle" or a question of "self
determination."  The "Coalition of the Willing" - led by our imperial bourgeoisie, is
nothing less than a "United Front" of world imperialism with deep roots in the
old bourgeois regime of Iraq itself.

The tactical errors of the imperial bourgeoisie are profoundly subjective.
The strategic error of the imperial bourgeoisie is that of all dying and
decaying classes - they have hit a historical barrier that can never be shattered.
History precludes this. The most that can happen in a historical sense is that
the imperial state itself begins decay and this decay is manifest as a
fundamental split and contains its own logic and development. At first this historical
split (historical because it is characteristic of all ruling classes and
cliques) appears as a spilt over policy and ends in a section of the ruling class
and state . . . and then . . . at a certain stage . . . going over to the side
of the social revolution.

The genius of Lenin can guide of through the entire social process. The
dangers of revolution increases even more the efforts which the imperialist make in
order to escape, by means of war, from the historical impasse into which they
have been forced. This impasse threatens the ruin of the earth itself. Does
this mean that communist workers renounce revolution? It is impossible to
detach oneself from the development of objective contradictions which express the
development of human history, as it is driven by changes in the material power
of production - the technological regime.

Yet we have inherited certain ideological concepts that need to be
overthrown, defeated, condemned and suppressed within the Marxist movement. We have to
explain the "Peace Movement" different and on the basis of this era and not the
doctrine of the past era. The form of the "Peace Movement" looks like the
historic movement for peace because the form of a "thing" always - by definition,
lags behind the content changes which serves as the basis for a movement to
leap to a qualitatively new basis.

The is a need for Communist workers and Marxist to restudy the doctrine of
the evolutionary leap. The leap does not mean "jumping rope" or hopping from one
"square to another" but embraces the stages that constitute the process of
transition from one qualitative stage to another.

The development and extension of the revolutionary movement, while
accentuating the subjective desire and designs of the imperialist for war everywhere, at
the same time raises the objective possibility of unleashing the war on a
planetary scale. To fail to understand the dialectic of this process today means
renouncing communism and the teaching of Marx . . . to renounce revolution. We
cannot renounce social revolution because it is already underway and nothing
can stay the hand of the technological advance.

In the last period we waged the most ruthless and persistent battle against
the Revisionist in the Soviet Union over placing peace as the center of the
communist program. This was correct because it meant subordinating ones activity
by entering into unstable and deceptive agreements with the imperialists under
the banner of saving the world from nuclear destruction. During the last era
the political polarity between Soviet Power and bourgeois property stayed the
hands of the imperialists, not withstanding the extreme stupidity and betrayal
of the revisionists. The Peace Movement was basically understood as a petty
bourgeois movement.

Today the peace movement has to be understood on the basis of society leaping
- in transition to, a new political form and the struggle for Peace is an
important battle front of the impending communist revolution. It's petty
bourgeois ideological character will be shattered to the degree that we do our jobs
and explain with sober logic the economic impulse of imperial wars. Our job is
very subjective and the idea that we communist workers are economic determinist
is the insane thinking of the ideologue. Our subjective task - teaching the
workers the basis of modern war and its economic impulse is what changes the
ideological form of the Peace Movement.

To a degree Bush W. is doing this for us with his naked and open lusting for
private profits. It is not enough to talk about "stealing someone else oil."

What is being stated is that once society is under transition (undergoing the
leap) to a new mode of production our task is entirely subjective. Our
objective skills as leaders on various fronts allows us the latitude to teach and
train the workers in the methods of Lenin. Leninism was born of war and
revolution and we should never forget this.

Let us understand our place in history and the subjective framework of the
leading sections of the proletariat and the historic training of the Soviet
proletariat. When our bourgeoisie attacked Iraq with its imperial Christian troops
- who delight in sodomizing men and raping young boys and women, a peace
movement erupted in Russia and the rest of the world. In Russia thousands of
people protesting carrying gas cans to indicate that war is not necessary. Of
course this was the initial stage of this antiwar movement but what was being
expressed was a very noncommunist attitude and the nuclear psychosis sowed by the
revisionist dating back to that puny buffoon Khrushchev - who should have been
jailed for his crimes against the Soviet proletariat and the worlds people.

We are the only ones that can change the ideological form of the movement.
Communists in America are unwilling to give our imperial bourgeoisie one liter
of oil. We earnestly desire their removal from power and work towards that
goal.

In respects to the old Soviet proletariat and modern bourgeois Russia, a
peculiar situation has emerged on the world stage with the dissolution of the
political antagonism between Soviet Power and bourgeois America. We need to
overthrow all petty bourgeois concepts of social revolution and "bottom up" petty
bourgeois theories of "workers democracy." World imperialism must split its
forces to contain Russia because she possess the only truly nuclear military
deterrent to bourgeois America and has shown a capacity to use them against
America.

More importantly the second edition of the October Revolution is historically
inevitable and part of this period of transition to world revolution and
world communism.

The structure of modern industrial society - in transition, is such that
revolution and insurrection with not and cannot take place like it was 1917.
Society is more complex today and no one in their right mind would advocate
revolutionaries seizing the Post Offices or train stations as primary to
insurrection.

It is important that comrades learn the profound distinction between social
revolution and insurrection.

What is being stated is the spilt within the Russian State and its evolution
in response to imperial encirclement means the state agencies are going to
become highly polarized and go over to the side of revolution because they
possess the knowledge and strategy to halt the imperial advance. It is fantasy to
conceive of "the workers" running into the streets and somehow - magically, we
communist end up with state power. No, Comrades. We win the Vanguard - forward
moving section of the proletariat in conflict with the state, over to the side
of communism and on this basis the polarized state structures go over to our
side.

The anti-Sovietism of the past period merges with our historic imperial
anti-Russianism (under the guise of criticizing the bourgeois Putin) when it does
not distinguish and outline the actual revolutionary process. Screaming for
"world revolution" for ninety years - when such was not possible, is
childishness.

The new features of an era are slowly coming into focus and the war in Iraqi
has flushed them into the open for communist workers to see and consolidate
our line of march along the communist class.

The idea that we are going to magically defeat the modern intelligence
agencies is a form of insanity and conceiving the impossible. Our profound clarity
and intense power of observation is why people are going to listen and follow.
Lenin recruited the vanguard to the cause of communism in the course of a
twenty-five year campaign.

This was not meant to be an "International Report" but the situation with the
Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea is dangerous. What would your strategy
be if you labored at the height of its military establishment? We are in a
dangerous environment but we cannot renounce revolution. The first strike would be
against imperial/bestial Japan. The DPRK behaves as if it is in a life and
death situation because the Bush W. administration has in fact stated publicly
this is how matters stand.

Once the imperial bourgeoisie understands that communist will retaliate with
nuclear arms then their hand will be stayed. We are not talking about "who
will blink first." We are saying that the transition to a new mode of production
and the abolish of property is going to take place or the earth will not
exists.

China is hitting the wall economically but still possess the state structures
and history to contain and "kneecap" - if necessary, its bourgeoisie. China
seeks to defeat its military encirclement by our imperial bourgeoisie, who in
return are seeking another level of unity with capital in Russia and China. Our
bourgeoisie faces "over reach" in a fundamental way.

The Western hemisphere is in turmoil and the lesson of Haiti should not be
lost. Leaders are forced into "certain" events and political positions under the
pressure of bourgeois property. We simply cannot say in advance "who" is
going to go "what way." Modern society polarizes at the top and split. The state
polarizes and splits - turn in on itself, as the result of being battered by
the propertyless masses.

Comrades and friends, there are times when we communist workers cannot talk
to our audience as if we are children unaware of history and its lessons. Nor
are we ideologues sprouting slogans and petty bourgeois nonsense. Circumstances
dictate - from time to time, we speak in military terms our workers can
understand.

Mother Africa presents itself as a complexity that is not ignored but not the
front of struggle at this moment. She is being drawn into the world
revolutionary process as bourgeois property attempts to do the impossible. All classes
. . . and all of us . . . are trapped by the spontaneous changes in the
material power of production.

Peace


Melvin P.